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In other words, the law of accessories is not a footnote to libertarian theory; it is the entire basis on which government leaders are considered mass murderers — as opposed to bystanders exercising their freedom of speech. But the libertarian, who believes in freedom of the will, must insist that while it might be immoral or unfortunate for A to advocate a riot, that this is strictly in the realm of advocacy and should not be subject to legal penalty.

If we bought this argument, then Hitler would not be the architect of the Holocaust, but merely its cheerleader. My favorite passage from this chapter: This is not to argue, of course, for prohibition of alcohol; once again, to outlaw something which might lead to crime is an illegitimate and invasive assault on the rights of person and property, an assault which, again, would far more justify the immediate incarceration of all teenage males.

Only the overt commission of a crime should be illegal, and the way to combat crimes committed under the influence of alcohol is to be more diligent about the crimes themselves, not to outlaw the alcohol. This sounds like a left-wing argument; but as Rothbard notes, it also undermines left-wing crusades against guns, porn, etc. If you have troubling grasping the appeal of libertarianism, this paragraph should be a big help.

Libertarians are unusually likely to take arguments literally , and see what they actually imply, instead of just rationalizing the prejudices of their ideological sub-culture. Jane Lubchenco, for instance, an environmental scientist and marine ecologist who has been picked to run the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, is a conservationist of the sort kept far from power by the oil-soaked Texans who have run America for the past eight years.

The catch, as energy secretary Ed Miliband pointed out yesterday, is that the benefits of new environmental technologies remain some way off, but the need for them is getting stronger by the day. He is caught between the immediate need for energy, and the equally pressing need for carbon emission reductions. Yesterday the head of the national grid warned that lights in Britain will start going off within seven years, without massive investment in the country's antique power generating infrastructure.

But, other than wind power, which cannot in itself meet demand, the technology - carbon capture and storage for instance - is not ready. Even new nuclear power cannot be brought online so quickly, which is why Mr Miliband finds himself pressed to allow new coal plants in Britain even though, environmentally, that is obviously the wrong thing to do.

On top of that, the new technology is also supposed to provide jobs. As the energy secretary admitted yesterday, Britain has been better at rhetoric than reality. It will take massive investment and cross-European coordination, and not everything that it produces will work. But it is also something that only government can organise. Britain can not compete on this broad scale, which makes it all the more important that the government is clear about which technologies it does want to back.

Sweeping talk of change will come to nothing if it is not pegged down with specifics.

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